Britain's hidden role in Gaza genocide

How the United Kingdom’s military bases in Cyprus, intelligence sharing and arms exports enable Israel’s genocide in Palestine

This article first appeared in Peace Researcher 69 (July 2025) published by the Anti-Bases Campaign (New Zealand)

Source: https://www.basesoffcyprus.org/

On 10 December 2024, the British Prime Minister, Keir Starmer, stood on the tarmac at Akrotiri Royal Air Force (RAF) base in Cyprus and thanked military personnel for their service, “to make us safe, as a country and our allies.” He added, “We can’t necessarily tell the world what you’re doing here, and therefore it makes it really important to say thank you to acknowledge that.”¹

Could such disclosure implicate the UK in Israel’s war crimes? Is the Labour government of the United Kingdom (UK) enabling Israel’s genocide on Gaza?

These concerns appear to be intensifying. A new report by Action on Armed Violence (AOAV) reveals that the RAF has conducted at least 518 surveillance flights over Gaza since December 2023, and provided the data gathered on these flights to Israel². In the British House of Commons, parliamentarians have raised questions concerning British arms exports to Israel and military use of Akrotiri. Legislation such as the Export Control Act restricts the export of military and dual-use goods and calls on ministers to refuse an export licence if there is a “clear risk that items may be used to commit or facilitate a serious violation of international humanitarian law.”(IHL)³

Yet the UK continues to supply Israel with arms, including parts for major weaponry such as the F-35 jets, which are frequently deployed by Israel to bombard Palestinians in Gaza.

In March 2025, a new international campaign, the UK-US Bases Off Cyprus, held simultaneous protests at RAF Akrotiri in Cyprus and the UK Ministry of Defence in London. Groups involved include CODEPINK (US), Stop the War Coalition (UK), Genocide-Free Cyprus, Cyprus Peace Council, Far Right Watch Cyprus, and United for Palestine Cyprus. Addressing the protest outside the Ministry in Whitehall, the investigative journalist Matt Kennard said: “This is a tripartite genocide. There are three main players. The United States has provided the majority of the arms, the British have provided the majority of the intelligence, and the Israelis have got it done.”⁴

In a landmark ruling on 19 July 2024, the International Court of Justice (ICJ) declared Israel’s occupation of the Gaza Strip and the West Bank to be unlawful, adding that Israel’s legislation and measures violate the international prohibition on racial segregation and apartheid. Independent human rights experts said the decision should be regarded as “declaratory in nature and binding on Israel and all states supporting the occupation.”⁵ As a member of the International Court of Justice and the Genocide Convention, the United Kingdom has a legal duty to take measures to stop violations of international humanitarian law and prevent genocide.

In this article, I will examine the role of RAF Akrotiri in the war in Gaza, the questions raised around intelligence sharing, and explain how arms exports may be implicating Britain in violations of international law. Situated only 40 minutes by air from Israel, Britain’s military bases in Cyprus represent a key part of the story.

Bases of death

The UK operates military bases in Cyprus, a colonial relic from the time when Britain ruled Cyprus as a crown colony. As part of the agreement granting Cypriot independence in 1960, the UK retained Akrotiri and Dhekelia as ‘Sovereign Base Areas’, which remain UK Overseas Territories (UKOT). The bases provide a permanent home to 2,370 UK military personnel, with additional staff deployed on various operations (the Falkland Islands, as the next-largest UKOT deployment, host 830 personnel)⁶. The Cypriot bases play a critical role in British military operations and signals intelligence, serving as a staging post for surveillance flights and bombing campaigns across the Middle East. Following the October 7 attacks in Israel, the UK quietly deployed 500 additional troops to Akrotiri and Dhekelia⁷.

In June 2024, The New York Times reported that intelligence collection and analysis teams from the United States and Britain had been active in Israel since the start of the war, providing assistance to Israeli intelligence on matters related to the location of hostages. According to an Israeli official, the US and Britain have been able to “provide Israel with intelligence from the air and cyberspace that Israel cannot collect on its own.”⁸

As the largest RAF base outside the UK, Akrotiri also provides permanent facilities for the US Air Force, including a new dormitory to house 129 US airmen⁹. This includes personnel from the 1^st Expeditionary Reconnaissance Squadron, the flying unit responsible for training all high-altitude intelligence and reconnaissance aircrew for the U-2 spy plane.

In recent years Akrotiri has supported actions in Libya (2011), Iraq (2014) and Syria (2018). On 12 January 2024, British jets took off from Akrotiri to bomb Houthi ‘rebels’ in Yemen¹⁰, as part of a US and UK operation to combat attacks on shipping in the Red Sea. The Houthis attacked vessels linked to Israel as a show of support for Palestinians, pledging to continue until there is a ceasefire in Gaza¹¹. Although there have been questions about some of the vessels targeted by the Houthis in the Red Sea, the bombing campaign launched from Akrotiri is widely seen as implicit support for Israel’s actions in Gaza. A joint statement from ten countries, including Canada, Germany, Denmark, the Netherlands, Bahrain, Republic of Korea, Australia, and New Zealand expressed support for the strikes¹². “Today’s strikes support international security and trade, on which New Zealanders rely,” New Zealand Foreign Minister Winston Peters said.

Notably, Italy, Spain, and France refused to take part. While Spanish Defence Minister Margarita Robles said Madrid had not joined the military action in the Red Sea because it wanted to promote peace in the region, French diplomats openly questioned whether the attack could be deemed legitimate self-defence¹³.

On January 14, Cypriots marched to Akrotiri to protest the use of the island as a base for military operations. An announcement from the Cyprus Peace Council stated: “We call on everyone to join the demonstration to condemn the air strikes being carried out from the British bases to transport war material to support the Israeli army’s operations in the Gaza Strip. We convey the message that we are struggling to make Cyprus a bridge of peace and cooperation between the peoples. The Cypriot people do not want British military bases in their country. They represent a constant danger to our country and to the peoples of the region. That is precisely why we demand their closure”¹⁴. Outside Akrotiri several hundred protestors chanted “Out with the bases of death”. Natalia Olivia from ‘United for Palestine Cyprus’ said “We are here because we condemn the complicity of the UK government and using Cypriot land for their agenda to support Israel in their onslaught on Gaza”¹⁵.

Activists raise a banner outside Aktotiri RAF Base in February 2022. Photo Cyprus Peace Council Facebook page.

On April 1 2024, Israel launched an airstrike on Iran’s embassy in Syria killing 16 people, including a woman and her son. The attack violated international norms regarding the protection of diplomatic premises under the Vienna Convention, and could be called a “war on diplomacy itself.”¹⁶ Yet the UK, USA and France blocked a United Nations Security Council statement condemning Israel’s actions¹⁷. But when Iran launched a more-measured-than-expected response two weeks later, British fighter jets from Akrotiri shot down Iranian drones in defence of Israel¹⁸.

The use of the Akrotiri base for the support of British military operations, many of which are seen as supportive of Israel, increases the risk that base will become a military target. In April 1986, the US launched airstrikes on Libya from British bases, including Akrotiri¹⁹. Four months later, on 3 August 1986, ‘Nasserite’ militants from Beirut launched a retaliatory attack, targeting Akrotiri with mortars, grenades and machine guns. Given the involvement of Akrotiri in the war on Gaza it is likely the British government has considered similar risks. This may have prompted Conservative MP Mark Prichard to ask the Undersecretary of Defence, Luke Pollard in March 2025 about the “steps he is taking to protect UK defence personnel at RAF Akrotiri from regional ballistic missile attacks.”²⁰

On a personal note, I hope Akrotiri does not become a target as my kids have a grandmother in Cyprus. I think Cyprus would be a lot safer if the Greek and Turkish Cypriots got together and told the British to move their bases elsewhere.

On 2 September 2024, the British Foreign Secretary, David Lammy, provided a ‘Middle East Update’ to the House of Commons²¹, Lammy reiterated his support for British actions in Yemen and against Iran. On Lammy’s orders, RAF Typhoon aircraft carried out another bombing raid in Yemen on 29 April 2025. The US-led operation represented the first strikes on Yemen since Donald Trump was re-elected President.

British Spy Flights over Gaza

As Israeli bombs began to fall on Gaza from 8 October 2023, journalist Matt Kennard from Declassified UK took an interest in the military flights between Cyprus and Tel Aviv. At first, the UK Ministry of Defence (MoD) refused Kennard’s request for information regarding the flights from Akrotiri. It wasn’t until Kennard demonstrated he could access similar data using public flight-tracking websites that the ministry became more forthcoming with information.

In early November 2023, analysis of flight logs by Declassified UK identified 33 military transport planes bound for Tel Aviv, including large aircraft such as C-17A Globemaster III and A400M Atlas C1. Flight records, going back at least to 6 August, suggest there were no departures from Akrotiri prior to the bombing of Gaza. When asked to respond, the UK MoD confirmed 17 flights took place, but refused to provide any further detail on the cargo or personnel carried on the flights: “The RAF has operated 17 flights into Tel Aviv in order to support the UK’s diplomatic engagement in country as well as to assist with the departure of British nationals. None of these flights transported lethal aid for foreign nations.”²²

Akrotiri is a key base of operations for surveillance and reconnaissance flights. A London-based NGO, Action on Armed Violence (AOAV), utilised data from flight tracking websites to reveal that the RAF conducted at least 518 surveillance flights over Gaza between 3 December 2023 and 27 March 2025, and provided data gathered from these flights to Israel²³.

“The flights, carried out by 14 Squadron’s Shadow R1 aircraft from RAF Akrotiri in Cyprus, have been shrouded in secrecy, raising concerns about whether British intelligence has played a role in Israeli military operations that have resulted in mass civilian casualties in Gaza. These revelations come as Israel faces allegations of genocide at the International Court of Justice (ICJ) and war crimes at the International Criminal Court (ICC), with warrants issued for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and former Defence Minister Yoav Gallant. The UK government insists that the flights are purely for hostage recovery, but the lack of transparency has done little to allay suspicions that the intelligence gathered may be facilitating Israeli attacks. Surveillance sorties continued during and after the ceasefire, despite Israel’s renewed bombing of Gaza killing hundreds of children.” - AOAV

D Notice enforces UK media silence

While the Akrotiri issue has attracted some international media coverage in Al Jazeera, The Times of Israel and local Cypriot media, major media outlets in the UK have remained silent²⁴.

“There has been a near-total media blackout about Britain's use of the Cypriot bases. For almost a year, only very few media outlets, including Declassified UK and Socialist Worker, have reported on the surveillance flights. This is the result of a D notice on media, a state instruction not to report on British forces in the Middle East, which are usually deployed to protect British spies and the military.” - Bases Off Cyprus Campaign²⁵

In response to David Lammy’s ‘Middle East Update’ on 2 September, Independent MP Jeremy Corbyn highlighted the relevance of Akrotiri: “Will he also explain what role, legally or otherwise, Britain has played in overflying Gaza with surveillance aircraft, and explain the use of RAF Akrotiri as a staging post for aircraft going to Israel, which many people believe are carrying weapons to be used to bomb Gaza?”²⁶. Lammy refused to give an answer, stating: “I am very comfortable with the support we give to Israel, and, as he would expect, I will not comment on operational issues from this dispatch box.”

In a written parliamentary question tabled on 11 September, Corbyn asked: “What assessment the Government has made of the potential impact of Israel’s use of surveillance data provided by the UK on the UK’s role in ensuring adherence to international law?” Luke Pollard, the Undersecretary for Defence replied: “The unarmed UK surveillance aircraft are employed solely to support hostage rescue. Only information relating to hostage rescue will be passed to the relevant Israeli authorities responsible for hostage rescue”²⁷. Yet that explanation appears to contain a large loophole. Once the information is given to Israel, it would be difficult for the UK to assess how Israel makes use of it.

Other British MPs have sought answers through parliamentary questions. In October 2024, the independent MP John McDonnell asked the Secretary of State for Defence whether any Israeli Air Force operated planes had landed at RAF Akrotiri since 7 October 2023. McDonnell’s question is especially relevant to Israel’s fleet of F-35 fighter jets, which are in active service in Gaza. Pollard replied: “For operational security reasons and as a matter of policy, the Ministry of Defence will neither confirm, deny, nor comment on any foreign nations’ military aircraft movement or operations within UK airspace or UK overseas bases.”²⁸

Attempts by the co-leader of the UK Green Party, Carla Denyer, to ask a follow-up question to Corbyn’s were rebuffed by the UK government, citing the response given to McDonnell. Denyer described the situation as “hugely frustrating”, commenting: “I don’t buy the line that operational security is a good enough justification for Ministers to prevent any scrutiny of what’s happening from Akrotiri base.”²⁹

In May 2025, Labour backbencher Kim Johnson asked: "What assessment has [the minister] made of the potential conflict of the Israeli government access to the use of RAF Akrotiri airbase in Cyprus for military options?”. Her question was blocked, and the MP received a full caps message: “THE GOVERNMENT HAS BLOCKED QUESTIONS ON THE USE OF MILITARY BASES”³⁰. Johnson sought clarification in the house the following day, deeply concerned that operational decisions could now prevent parliamentary scrutiny and oversight of military bases. She asked: “What does this government have to hide?”

Why do the surveillance flights continue?

The maintenance of the spy flights by the UK Government would be more understandable if British nationals remained among the hostages held. As of 29 November, Emily Damari was the only British-Israeli held in Gaza. Ms Damari was released on 19 January 2025, and was one of the first three hostages released following the ceasefire deal between Israel and Hamas³¹. While Damari appeared to be a civilian, World Israel News (WIN) reports she continued to do reserve duty after her military service in Israel was completed³². The taking of hostages is considered a war crime under international humanitarian law.

While the purpose of the flights remains unclear, an examination of the flight schedules reveals some interesting patterns. The AOAV team discovered that “the RAF flew 24 sorties in the two weeks leading up to, and on the day of, Israel’s attack on the Nuseirat Refugee Camp that killed 276 Palestinians.” Phil Miller and Mark Curtis of Declassified UK expressed surprise the flights continued throughout the recent ceasefire in Gaza. Curtis thinks it’s a “little bit suspicious” that the only days these spy flights were operating were the same days Hamas was releasing hostages, suggesting that the purpose of these flights could be to gather intelligence on Hamas³³.

“First of all, is the UK providing intelligence back to Israel on wider Hamas movements that then Israel could use in military operations in Gaza? And the concern there is that Israel is not really distinguishing between Hamas and civilian targets in Gaza, and hasn’t been throughout the genocide.” - Mark Curtis

Now that Israel has resumed military operations in breach of the ceasefire, has Israel been able to make use of the RAF data to carry out these operations?

While surveillance flights and intelligence sharing raise concerns, another less visible but equally critical area of support lies in the UK’s contribution to Israel’s F-35 fighter jet programme.

Keeping the F-35s in the sky by stealth

Israel’s fleet of 39 Lockheed Martin F-35 fighter jets has seen regular action in Gaza. Britain forms part of the F-35 global supply chain, supplying around 15 per cent of each aircraft, mainly through BAE Systems. This includes components such as ejector seats, active interceptor systems, targeting lasers and weapon release cables. The US Department of Defence claims legal ownership over all spare parts in the F-35 supply chain³⁴.

Many components exported from Britain make their way to the F-35 Joint Programme Office at the Defence Logistics Agency (DLA) in Tracy, California, where DLA distribution centres store parts for the F-35 Global Spares Pool. A regular customer is the Israeli Air Force. The 2023 DLA annual report noted how “Hamas’ attack on Oct 7, 2023, drove Israel to full mobilisation….DLA sold $93.7m in mostly aviation parts to this longstanding ally during the two months following the attack.”³⁵

As a supplier of components for the F-35 the UK is expected to supply parts and aftercare maintenance for Israel’s fleet of 39 aircraft. In February 2024, the UK asked Israel not to land its F-35s at Akrotiri until hostilities in Gaza concluded³⁶³⁴. This raises the question as to how many Israeli planes have made use of Akrotiri since October 2023, especially if the same planes were involved in operations targeting Palestinian civilians. This would involve the UK Government in facilitating war crimes, in contravention of the UK’s obligations under international law.

Threat of legal action forces minimal action from Lammy.

Appalled by the decision by the British government to continue to grant existing export licences for military and dual-use equipment to Israel in December 2023, the Global Legal Action Network (GLAN) and Palestinian human rights organisation Al-Haq launched a judicial review³⁷.

On 2 September 2024, less than 24 hours before a hearing in the High Court³⁸, the British Foreign Secretary, David Lammy, rose in the House of Commons to give his ‘Middle East Update’: “It is with regret that I inform the House today that the assessment I have received leaves me unable to conclude anything other than that, for certain UK arms exports to Israel, there exists a clear risk that they might be used to commit or facilitate a serious violation of international humanitarian law.”

The clear risk concerned the actions of the Israeli Defence Forces (IDF) in Gaza³⁹. After reviewing 350 current export licences to Israel, Lammy announced the suspension of 30 items used by the IDF in the current conflict. This suspension was widely seen as minimal, especially as Lammy excluded parts used for F-35 jets, provided they were shipped via another country. While he suggested direct exports from the UK to Israel of F-35 parts could be stopped, “suspending all licences for the F-35 programme would undermine the global F-35 supply chain that is vital for the security of the UK, our allies and NATO.”⁴⁰

In his statement, Lammy reiterated his support for Zionism and Israel’s right to self-defence. He also noted that his own actions were weaker than the full arms and oil embargo imposed by Margaret Thatcher on Israel following its invasion of Lebanon in 1982. It is apparent that the British government remained concerned about Israel’s response to this largely symbolic action. The suspension of the 30 arms export licences was still condemned as “shameful” by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu⁴¹.

While Samuel Perlo-Freeman of the Campaign Against Arms Trade told Al Jazerra the UK’s move was a “cautiously welcome step”, he also highlighted the presence of a “one huge, huge loophole”. “We had confirmation just today from a Danish NGO Danwatch which got confirmation from the Israeli military that an F-35 was used to drop 3,000-pound bombs on al-Mawasi, a so-called safe zone, on July 19. So saying that you’re going to stop arms that might be used in Gaza except for the F-35 is a bit like saying you’re going vegetarian except for bacon.” said Perlo-Freeman⁴².

A hearing in the High Court on 18 November 2024 the government forced to admit, in the assessment of its own Foreign Secretary that:

“Israel is not committed to complying with international humanitarian law (“IHL”). That assessment was based, in summary, on the IHL Cell’s analysis that Israel had committed possible breaches of IHL in relation to humanitarian access and the treatment of detainees which undermined Israel’s statements of commitment to IHL overall, including in the conduct of hostilities. This assessment in turn informed the Foreign Secretary’s recommendation to the Trade Secretary that there is a clear risk that certain items might be used to commit or facilitate a serious violation of IHL and that suspension was therefore required in accordance with Criterion 2(c) of the Strategic Export Licensing Criteria...The F-35 Carve Out accepts that there is clear risk that F-35 components might be used to commit or facilitate a serious violation of IHL but determines that in the exceptional circumstances outlined by the Defence Secretary, these exports should nonetheless continue.”⁴³

On 18 July 2024, The Secretary for State for Defence, John Heatley, warned his Labour colleagues against a full arms embargo against Israel, claiming such a ban “would undermine US confidence in the UK and NATO at a critical juncture in our collective history and set back relations.”⁴⁴

Despite Foreign Secretary Lammy concluding that Israel was not committed to complying with international humanitarian law on 24 July 2024, he took no action to restrict arms exports until 2 September. GLAN notes that at least 1716 Palestinians lost their lives between these two dates. “In making their latest decision, the government weighed the harm to civilians in Palestine against the operation of the global F-35 programme; it chose political expediency over the lives of Palestinians. The government explicitly said, ‘The risk to the UK/US relationship’ was a key factor in deciding to continue with F-35 exports.”⁴⁵

“Touchy, feely”

While the UK Government previously claimed it is for the courts, not parliament, to assess genocide, this was contradicted by lawyers representing the government in the Al-Haq case, which concluded in the High Court on 16 May 2025. Legal representatives of the UK government claimed it had seen “no deliberate targeting of women and children” and therefore “no serious risk of genocide”⁴⁶. The global standard for assessing IHL breaches was described as “touchy feely”. A government assessment of 413 incidents over the 11 month period between October 2023 to the start of September 2024, claimed to have found only one “possible” breach of international law, when foreign aid workers at World Central Kitchen were pursed and killed by Israeli drones. The government’s own evidence included a report titled ‘Research Report: Long-Range shootings or Shootings of Minors”, which it refused to release to “GLAN and Al-Haq, despite a duty to disclose and an explicit request made for its disclosure”.

In February, an appeal court in The Hague ordered the Dutch government to cease exporting F-35 parts to Israel due to the clear risk the planes could be involved in violating humanitarian law. In June, human rights groups took the Dutch government back to court, questioning whether the ban was being respected in practice⁴⁷.

Did Lammy lie?

Similar questions are being raised in the UK. While Lammy claimed direct exports of F-35 parts to Israel had been restricted in September, a new report, “Exposing UK arms exports to Israel”, revealed that shipments of aircraft parts to Israel had in fact remained constant through the war, concluding that “direct shipments of F-35 components from the UK to Israel have been ongoing despite the suspensions”⁴⁸. The Palestinian Youth Movement, Progressive International and Workers for a Free Palestine collaborated on the report, which is based on import data from the Israel Tax Authority (ITA).

The report challenges Foreign Minister Lammy’s previous statements to the House of Commons that “much of what we send [to Israel] is defensive in nature. It is not what we routinely describe as arms”. In contrast, the authors conclude: “the evidence outlined in this report shows that, since October 2023, the UK has sent thousands of goods to Israel which are defined as arms and ammunition...proving that David Lammy’s suggestion that UK exports are not what would be routinely described as arms is untrue and misleading.”

“...The data shows that the UK has sent 8630 separate munitions since the suspensions took effect, all in the category ‘Bombs, grenades, torpedoes, mines, missiles and similar munitions of war and parts thereof – other’. Evidence shows the UK shipped 160,000 bullets to Israel in October 2023….[along with] six shipments of 299 items under customs code 87100000, which the ITA identifies as ‘Tanks and other armoured fighting vehicles, motorised, whether or not fitted with weapons, and parts of such vehicles’.” - Exposing UK arms exports to Israel

Following publication of the report on 7 May, more than 40 members of Parliament signed a letter calling on the Foreign Secretary to answer to Parliament about the allegations that he “mislead Parliament and the public about arms shipments to Israel”. Speaking to ITV, John McDonnell said the Foreign Secretary was accused of an “extremely serious breach of the Ministerial Code” and it would be a resigning matter if Lammy had lied⁴⁹. Last week in the House of Commons, Independent MP Shockat Adam questioned the failure of the minister to respond to the members’ letter, asking Lammy: “Can he confirm all statements that he has made in this house since September 2024 relating to arms exports to Israel have been completely accurate and fully transparent?” An annoyed Lammy replied “Yes, I can”⁵⁰.

Civil Society pressure shifts UK government position. Independent inquiry still needed

With growing political fallout and continued scrutiny, calls for greater transparency from the UK Government have intensified. Revelations from the Al-Haq case, along with pressure from backbench MPs and other civil society actors have modified the position of the UK government, at least in public. On 19 May UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer, along with President Macron of France and Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney released a joint statement opposing Israel’s expansion of military operations in Gaza and describing the level of human suffering as “intolerable”⁵¹. The leaders maintained that the Israeli government’s denial of essential humanitarian assistance, and threats of permanent forced displacement of the population “risks breaching international humanitarian law”. They warned that if Israel did not cease, further “concrete actions” may result, including targeted sanctions. The next day, the UK Government called off ‘free trade’ talks with Israel and imposed sanctions on key figures in the Israeli settler movement⁵².

In response, Palestinian ambassador to the UK, Husam Zumlot said the number one thing the three countries could do was impose an arms embargo on Israel: “The UK has taken some measures to suspend some arms exports. Its not enough. It has got to be full and comprehensive”⁵³.

On Substack, journalist Jonathan Cook noted: “It has been 19 months of Israel levelling all of Gaza’s homes, destroying all its hospitals and slaughtering and starving 1 million children. But only this week have the UK, France and Canada concluded: ‘The level of human suffering in Gaza is intolerable’. Bravo!’”⁵⁴.

Stop UK arms sales to Israel

“The UK can stop arms sales to Israel, stop transfers from its RAF base on Cyprus of US and German weapons to Israel, stop UK spy slights over Gaza to provide Israel with intelligence, tear up trade agreements, impose economic sanctions, ban Israel from cultural and sporting events, and much, much more.”⁵⁵ But Cook also questioned whether “the current outrage is as orchestrated as was the earlier silence...Their only concern is the optics.”⁵⁶

Despite the UK’s international obligations to prevent violations of humanitarian law and maintain access to aid in Gaza, it seems the British government does not believe the Palestinians in Gaza are worth a flyby. If these events were happening anywhere else but Palestine, a no-fly zone would be in force already. Given the seriousness of the humanitarian situation, the only flights leaving Akrotiri should be carrying food and medical supplies for Palestine.

In order to reassure the world that its forces, facilities and arms exports are not used to facilitate war crimes, the UK Government needs to stop assisting Israel, and start being transparent. Otherwise, they risk being condemned as complicit in Israel’s actions.

On 3 March 2025, Corbyn wrote to Starmer to demand a ‘Chilcot-style’ independent inquiry into the UK’s involvement in the war on Gaza. In his letter, Mr Corbyn said "many people believe the Government has taken decisions that have implicated officials in the gravest breaches of international law. These charges will not go away until there is a comprehensive, public, independent inquiry with the legal power to establish the truth."

1. Starmer, K. (2024, Dec 10), PM’s address to British troops in RAF Akrotiri, Cyprus, https://www.gov.uk/government/speeches/pms-address-to-british-troops-in-raf-akrotiri-cyprus-10-december-2024

2. Action On Armed Violence (2025, Mar 27), “The UK Royal Air Force’s surveillance flights over the Occupied Palestinian Territory examined“,https://aoav.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2025/04/The-UK-Royal-Air-Forces-surveillance-flights-over-the-Occupied-Palestinian-Territory-examined.pdf

3. Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (2024, Sep 2), Policy Paper: Summary of the IHL process, decision and the factors taken into account, https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/summary-of-the-international-humanitarian-law-ihl-process-decision-and-the-factors-taken-into-account/summary-of-the-ihl-process-decision-and-the-factors-taken-into-account

4. CODEPINK YouTube Channel (2025, Mar 12), Matt Kennard speaking at the Ministry of Defence, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0TYAtIOogEo&ab_channel=CODEPINK

5. United Nations Human Rights Office (2024, Jul 30), Press Release: Experts hail ICJ declaration on illegality of Israel’s presence in the occupied Palestinian territory as “historic” for Palestinians and international law, https://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2024/07/experts-hail-icj-declaration-illegality-israels-presence-occupied

6. UK Parliament [House of Commons] (2024, Nov 21), “Question for Ministry of Defence: Alicia Kearns to Luke Pollard”, UIN15476, https://questions-statements.parliament.uk/written-questions/detail/2024-10-04/5840

7. Kennard, M., Curtis, M. (2023, Nov 10), RAF admits to making 17 military flights to Israel since Gaza bombing began, https://www.declassifieduk.org/raf-admits-to-making-17-military-flights-to-israel-since-gaza-bombing-began/

8. Barnes, J. E., Bergman, R., Sheer, M. D. (2024, June 8), U.S. intelligence helped Israel rescue four hostages in Gaza, New York Times, https://archive.ph/M1PBx

9. Kennard, M. (2023, Feb 1), Revealed: America’s secret military deployment on British Cyprus, Declassifed UK, https://www.declassifieduk.org/revealed-americas-secret-military-deployment-on-british-cyprus/

10. BBC (2024, 13 Jan), US and UK strikes target Houthi rebels in Yemen, https://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-67954161

11. Motamedi. M. (2024, Jul 21), Everything to know about Israeli and Houthi attacks amid war on Gaza, Aljazeera, https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2024/7/21/everything-to-know-about-israeli-and-houthi-attacks-amid-war-on-gaza

12. Collins, J. & Peters, W. (2024, Jan 12), NZ support for strikes against Houthis, New Zealand Government Press Release, Wellington, https://www.beehive.govt.nz/release/nz-support-strikes-against-houthis

13. Amanhte, A., Irish, J. Landauro, I. & Bose, N. (2024, Jan 13), Europe split over US, UK strikes on Houthis in Yemen, Reuters, https://www.reuters.com/world/middle-east/italy-declined-take-part-military-action-against-houthis-source-says-2024-01-12/

14. Philenews (2024, Jan 5), Protestors to march to Akrotiri against Cyprus’ involvement in Gaza war, Journalistic Organization - O Phileleftheroes, Nicosia https://in-cyprus.philenews.com/local/protestors-to-march-to-akrotiri-against-cyprus-involvement-in-gaza-war/

15. Reuters (2024, Jan 15), Activists protest at British base in Cyprus used in Yemen strikes, https://www.reuters.com/world/activists-protest-british-base-cyprus-used-yemen-strikes-2024-01-14/

16. In relation to Israel's attack on Iran's embassy in Syria on April 1 2024 its worth noting how the New York Times described the occupation of the US Embassy in Nov 1979 - "But it is the Ayatollah himself who is doing the devils work by inciting and condoning the student invasion of the American and British Embassies in Tehran. This is not just a diplomatic affront; it is a declaration of war on diplomacy itself, on usages and traditions honoured by all nations, however old and new, whatever belief. The immunities given a ruler's emissaries were respected by the kings of Persia during wars with Greece and by the Ayatollah's spiritual ancestors during the Crusades."

Source: New York Times (1979, Nov 6), Doing Satan's Work in Iran

17. Nichols, M. (2024, Apr 4), UN Security Council fails to condemn strike on Iran in Syria, Reuters, https://www.reuters.com/world/un-security-council-fails-condemn-strike-iran-syria-2024-04-03/

18. Kades, A. (2024, Apr 14), British fighter jets dispatched from Akrotiri after Iran launches attack against Israel, Cyprus Mail, https://cyprus-mail.com/2024/04/14/british-aircraft-dispatched-from-akrotiri-after-iran-launches-attack-against-israel/

19. Associated Press (1986, Aug 5), British base on Cyprus attacked; 2 wounded, New York Times; Philenews (2024, Jan 16), The 1986 retaliatory attack on RAF Akrotiri, , Journalistic Organization - O Phileleftheroes, Nicosia, https://in-cyprus.philenews.com/local/the-1986-attack-on-raf-akrotiri/

20. UK Parliament [House of Commons] (2024, Mar 18), “Question for Ministry of Defence: Mark Pritchard to Luke Pollard”, UIN 38964, https://questions-statements.parliament.uk/written-questions/detail/2025-03-18/38964

21. UK Parliament [House of Commons] (2024, Sep 2), “Middle East Update”, UK Parliament Hansard Vol. 753, https://hansard.parliament.uk/Commons/2024-09-02/debates/F5A06C09-84E1-4788-AF6F-E1560E2B25D3/MiddleEastUpdate

22. Kennard, M., Curtis, M. (2023, Nov 10), RAF admits to making 17 military flights to Israel since Gaza bombing began, https://www.declassifieduk.org/raf-admits-to-making-17-military-flights-to-israel-since-gaza-bombing-began/

23. Action on Armed Violence (2025, Mar 27), “The UK Royal Air Force’s surveillance flights over the Occupied Palestinian Territory examined“,https://aoav.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2025/04/The-UK-Royal-Air-Forces-surveillance-flights-over-the-Occupied-Palestinian-Territory-examined.pdf

24. ‘The National’ newspaper in Scotland is an exception

25. https://www.basesoffcyprus.org/about_us

26. UK Parliament [House of Commons] (2024, Sep 2), “Middle East Update”, UK Parliament Hansard Vol. 753, https://hansard.parliament.uk/Commons/2024-09-02/debates/F5A06C09-84E1-4788-AF6F-E1560E2B25D3/MiddleEastUpdate

27. UK Parliament [House of Commons] (2024, Sep 11), “Question for Ministry of Defence: Jeremy Corbyn to Luke Pollard”, UIN5253, https://questions-statements.parliament.uk/written-questions/detail/2024-09-11/5253

28. UK Parliament [House of Commons] (2024, Oct 4), “Question for Ministry of Defence: John McDonnell to Luke Pollard”, UIN5840, https://questions-statements.parliament.uk/written-questions/detail/2024-10-04/5840

29. Denyer, C. (2024, Feb 24), X/Twitter post from @carla_denyer, https://x.com/carla_denyer/status/1893625238014787874

30. Mulla, I. (2025, May 15), UK blocks Labour MP from asking about Israeli bombers using British airbase, Middle East Eye, https://www.middleeasteye.net/news/uk-blocks-labour-mp-asking-about-israeli-bombers-using-british-airbase

31. Davies, M. (2025, Mar 3), British-Israeli hostage says scars show ‘hope’ ahead of surgery, https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/c4ge7lzj75m; UK Parliament [House of Commons] (2024, Nov 18), “Question for Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office: Richard Tice to Hamish Falconer”, UN 14791

32. Jerenberg, B. (2025, Jan 20), Freed hostage who lost two fingers describes being ‘happiest person in the world’, World Israel News, https://worldisraelnews.com/freed-hostage-who-lost-two-fingers-describes-being-happiest-person-in-world/

33. Declassified UK YouTube Channel (2025, Feb 21), Why is Starmer SPYING on Gaza ceasefire?, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uv4VvIWbBFA

34. McEvoy, J. (2024, Dec 4), Revealed: Hundreds of F-35 components sent from Britain to U.S., Declassified UK, https://www.declassifieduk.org/revealed-hundreds-of-f-35-components-sent-from-britain-to-u-s/

35. McEvoy, J. (2024, Dec 4), Revealed: Hundreds of F-35 components sent from Britain to U.S., Declassified UK, https://www.declassifieduk.org/revealed-hundreds-of-f-35-components-sent-from-britain-to-u-s/

36. Giannangeli, M (2024, Feb 25), UK suspends Israeli F-35 help on UK soil until Gaza War ends, Sunday Express, London https://www.express.co.uk/news/uk/1870435/RAF-F-35-Israel-Gaza

37. https://www.glanlaw.org/israel-weapons-sales

38. Global Legal Action Network (2024, Sept 3), GLAN & Al-Haq continue legal action to partially restrict arms exports, excluding F-35 programme., Press Release, https://www.glanlaw.org/single-post/challenge-over-f35-decision-continues

39. UK Parliament [House of Commons] (2024, Sep 2), “Middle East Update”, UK Parliament Hansard Vol. 753, https://hansard.parliament.uk/Commons/2024-09-02/debates/F5A06C09-84E1-4788-AF6F-E1560E2B25D3/MiddleEastUpdate

40. UK Parliament [House of Commons] (2024, Sep 2), “Middle East Update”, UK Parliament Hansard Vol. 753, https://hansard.parliament.uk/Commons/2024-09-02/debates/F5A06C09-84E1-4788-AF6F-E1560E2B25D3/MiddleEastUpdate

41. Wintour, P., & Elgot, J. (2024, Sep 3), Netanyahu condemns ‘shameful’ UK suspension of some Israel arms sales, The Guardian

42. UK suspends some arms exports to Israel over humanitarian law concerns (2024, Sep 2),, Aljazeera, https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2024/9/2/uk-announces-partial-suspension-of-arms-exports-to-israel

43. The King (on the application of Al-Haq) v Secretary of State for Business and Trade. (2024) (UK). Claim No: AC-2023-LON-003634. High Court of Justice, King’s Bench Division, Administrative Court. https://www.glanlaw.org/_files/ugd/26e1a5_8cc791857c494ad9831d9ac4614adaee.pdf?index=true

44. The King (on the application of Al-Haq) v Secretary of State for Business and Trade. (2024) (UK). Claim No: AC-2023-LON-003634. High Court of Justice, King’s Bench Division, Administrative Court,

45. https://www.glanlaw.org/israel-weapons-sales

46. Global Legal Action Network (2025, May 19), UK suspends trade talks but hearing reveals ‘flawed’ assessment of genocide in Gaza in effort to keep arms flowing to Israel, https://www.glanlaw.org/single-post/uks-flawed-assessment-of-genocide

47. AFP (2024, Jun 28), Rights groups sue Netherlands again over jet parts to Israel, https://www.france24.com/en/live-news/20240628-rights-groups-sue-netherlands-again-over-f-35-parts-to-israel

48. Palestinian Youth Movement, Workers for a Free Palestine and Progressive International (2025, May 7), Exposing UK arms exports to Israel, https://www.maskoffmaersk.com/reports

49. Elliards, X. (2025, May 10), David Lammy ‘must answer claim he misled MPs on Israel arms exports, The National, https://www.thenational.scot/news/25152740.david-lammy-must-answer-claim-misled-mps-israel-arms-exports/

50. Elliards, X. (2025, May 14), David Lammy denies misleading Parliament over Israeli arms exports, The National, https://www.thenational.scot/news/25159413.david-lammy-denies-misleading-parliament-israeli-arms-exports/

51. Starmer, Keir (2025, May 19), Joint Statement from the leaders of the United Kingdom, France and Canada on the situation in Gaza and the West Bank, UK Prime Minister’s Office, https://www.gov.uk/government/news/joint-statement-from-the-leaders-of-the-united-kingdom-france-and-canada-on-the-situation-in-gaza-and-the-west-bank

52. Kogan, Dudi (2025, May 20), UK imposes sanctions on Israeli settlers, halts trade talks, IsraelHayon, https://www.israelhayom.com/2025/05/20/uk-imposes-sanctions-on-israeli-settlers-organizations/

53. Aljaeera (2025, May 20), UK, France, Canada threaten ‘concrete actions’ against Israel over Gaza, https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2025/5/20/uk-france-and-canada-threaten-concrete-actions-against-israel

54. Cook J. (2025, May 20), https://substack.com/@jonathancook/note/c-118618001

55. Cook, J. (2025, May 21), https://substack.com/@jonathancook/note/c-118798034

56. Cook, J. (2025, May 22), https://substack.com/@jonathancook/note/c-118968573;

V103